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whether well or ill founded； cannot be safely disregarded。 We
cannot； then； make them equals。 It does seem to me that systems
of gradual emancipation might be adopted； but for their tardiness
in this I will not undertake to judge our brethren of the South。
〃When they remind us of their constitutional rights； I
acknowledge them； not grudgingly； but fully and fairly； and I
would give them any legislation for the reclaiming of their
fugitives； which should not； in its stringency； be more likely to
carry a free man into slavery than Our ordinary criminal laws are
to hang an innocent one。
〃But all this； to my judgment； furnishes no more excuse for
permitting slavery to go into our own free territory than it
would for reviving the African slave…trade by law。 The law which
forbids the bringing of slaves from Africa； and that which has so
long forbid the taking of them to Nebraska； can hardly be
distinguished on any moral principle； and the repeal of the
former could find quite as plausible excuses as that of the
latter。〃
I have reason to know that Judge Douglas knows that I said this。
I think he has the answer here to one of the questions he put to
me。 I do not mean to allow him to catechize me unless he pays
back for it in kind。 I will not answer questions one after
another； unless he reciprocates； but as he has made this inquiry；
and I have answered it before； he has got it without my getting
anything in return。 He has got my answer on the Fugitive Slave
law。
Now； gentlemen； I don't want to read at any greater length； but
this is the true complexion of all I have ever said in regard to
the institution of slavery and the black race。 This is the whole
of it； and anything that argues me into his idea of perfect
social and political equality with the negro is but a specious
and fantastic arrangement of words； by which a man can prove a
horse…chestnut to be a chestnut horse。 I will say here； while
upon this subject； that I have no purpose； directly or
indirectly； to interfere with the institution of slavery in the
States where it exists。 I believe I have no lawful right to do
so； and I have no inclination to do so。 I have no purpose to
introduce political and social equality between the white and the
black races。 There is a physical difference between the two
which； in my judgment； will probably forever forbid their living
together upon the footing of perfect equality； and inasmuch as it
becomes a necessity that there must be a difference； I； as well
as Judge Douglas； am in favor of the race to which I belong
having the superior position。 I have never said anything to the
contrary； but I hold that； notwithstanding all this； there is no
reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the
natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence； the
right to life； liberty； and the pursuit of happiness。 I hold
that he is as much entitled to these as the white man。 I agree
with Judge Douglas he is not my equal in many respects； certainly
not in color； perhaps not in moral or intellectual endowment。
But in the right to eat the bread； without the leave of anybody
else； which his own hand earns； he is my equal； and the equal of
Judge Douglas； and the equal of every living man。
Now I pass on to consider one or two more of these little
follies。 The Judge is woefully at fault about his early friend
Lincoln being a 〃grocery…keeper。〃 I don't know as it would be a
great sin； if I had been； but he is mistaken。 Lincoln never kept
a grocery anywhere in the world。 It is true that Lincoln did
work the latter part of one winter in a little stillhouse； up at
the head of a hollow。 And so I think my friend the Judge is
equally at fault when he charges me at the time when I was in
Congress of having opposed our soldiers who were fighting in the
Mexican war。 The Judge did not make his charge very distinctly；
but I can tell you what he can prove； by referring to the record。
You remember I was an old Whig； and whenever the Democratic party
tried to get me to vote that the war had been righteously begun
by the President； I would not do it。 But whenever they asked for
any money； or landwarrants； or anything to pay the soldiers
there； during all that time； I gave the same vote that Judge
Douglas did。 You can think as you please as to whether that was
consistent。 Such is the truth； and the Judge has the right to
make all he can out of it。 But when he； by a general charge；
conveys the idea that I withheld supplies from the soldiers who
were fighting in the Mexican war； or did anything else to hinder
the soldiers； he is； to say the least； grossly and altogether
mistaken； as a consultation of the records will prove to him。
As I have not used up so much of my time as I had supposed； I
will dwell a little longer upon one or two of these minor topics
upon which the Judge has spoken。 He has read from my speech in
Springfield； in which I say that 〃a house divided against itself
cannot stand〃 Does the Judge say it can stand？ I don't know
whether he does or not。 The Judge does not seem to be attending
to me just now； but I would like to know if it is his opinion
that a house divided against itself can stand。 If he does； then
there is a question of veracity； not between him and me； but
between the Judge and an Authority of a somewhat higher
character。
Now； my friends； I ask your attention to this matter for the
purpose of saying something seriously。 I know that the Judge may
readily enough agree with me that the maxim which was put forth
by the Savior is true； but he may allege that I misapply it； and
the Judge has a right to urge that； in my application； I do
misapply it； and then I have a right to show that I do not
misapply it； When he undertakes to say that because I think this
nation； so far as the question of slavery is concerned； will all
become one thing or all the other； I am in favor of bringing
about a dead uniformity in the various States； in all their
institutions； he argues erroneously。 The great variety of the
local institutions in the States； springing from differences in
the soil； differences in the face of the country； and in the
climate； are bonds of Union。 They do not make 〃a house divided
against itself；〃 but they make a house united。 If they produce
in one section of the country what is called for； by the wants of
another section； and this other section can supply the wants of
the first； they are not matters of discord； but bonds of union；
true bonds of union。 But can this question of slavery be
considered as among these varieties in the institutions of the
country？ I leave it to you to say whether； in the history of our
government； this institution of slavery has not always failed to
be a bond of union； and； on the contrary； been an apple of
discord and an element of division in the house。 I ask you to
consider whether； so long as the moral constitution of men's
minds shall continue to be the same； after this generation and
assemblage shall sink into the grave； and another race shall
arise； with the same moral and intellectual development we have；
whether； if that institution is standing in the same irritating
position in which it now is； it will not continue an element of
division？ If so； then I have a right to say that； in regard to
this question； the Union is a house divided against itself； and
when the Judge reminds me that I have often said to him that the
institution of slavery has existed for eighty years in some
States； and yet it does not exist in some others； I agree to the
fact； and I account for it by looking at the position in which
our fathers originally placed itrestricting it from the new
Territories where it had not gone； and legislating to cut off its
source by the abrogation of the slave trade； thus putting the
seal of legislation against its spread。 The public mind did rest
in the belief