vill2-第49章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！


ws　exactly　on　what　days　he　bas　to　appear　personally　or　by　representative　at　ploughings　and　reapings；　how　many　loads　he　is　bound　to　carry；　and　how　many　eggs　he　is　expected　to　bring　at　Easter；（1*）　in　most　cases　he　knows　also　what　will　be　required　from　him　when　he　inherits　from　his　father　or　marries　his　daughter。　This　customary　arrangement　of　duties　does　not　find　any　expression　in　common　law；　and　vice　versa　the　rule　of　common　law　dwindles　down　in　daily　life　to　a　definition　of　power　which　may　be　exercised　in　exceptional　cases。　The　opposition　between　our　two　sets　of　records　is　evidently　connected　in　this　case　with　their　different　way　of　treating　facts。　　　　　Manorial　extents　and　inquests　give　in　themselves　only　a　one…sided　picture　of　mediaeval　village　life；　because　they　describe　it　only　from　the　point　of　view　of　the　holding；　people　who　do　not　own　land　are　very　seldom　noticed；　and　among　the　population　settled　on　the　land　only　those　persons　are　named　who　'defend'　the　tenement　in　regard　to　the　lord。　Only　the　chief　of　the　household　appears；　this　is　a　matter　of　course。　He　may　have　many　or　few　children；　many　or　few　women　engaged　on　his　plot：　the　extent　will　not　make　any　difference　in　the　description　of　the　tenement　and　of　its　services。　But　although　very　incomplete　in　this　important　respect；　manorial　records　allow　us　many　a　glimpse　at　the　process　which　was　preparing　a　great　change　in　the　law　Hired　labourers　are　frequently　mentioned　in　stewards'　accounts；　and　the　'undersette'　and　'levingmen'　and　'anelipemen'（2*）　of　the　extents　correspond　evidently　to　this　fluctuating　population　of　rural　workmen　and　squatters　gathering　behind　the　screen　of　recognised　peasant　holders。　　　　　The　very　foundation　of　the　mediaeval　system；　its　organisation　of　work　according　to　equalised　holdings　and　around　a　manorial　centre；　is　in　course　of　time　undermined　by　the　process　of　commutation。　Villains　are　released　from　ploughings　and　reapings；　from　carriage…duties　and　boon　work　by　paying　certain　rents；　they　bargain　with　the　lord　for　a　surrender　of　his　right　of　arbitrary　taxation　and　arbitrary　amercement；　they　take　leases　of　houses；　arable　and　meadows。　This　important　movement　is　directly　noticed　by　the　law　in　so　far　as　it　takes　the　shape　of　an　increase　in　the　number　of　freeholders　and　of　freehold　tenements；　charters　and　instruments　of　conveyance　may　be　concerned　with　it。　But　the　process　is　chiefly　apparent　in　a　standing　contradiction　with　the　law。　Legally　an　arrangement　with　a　villain　either　ought　not　to　bind　the　lord　or　else　ought　to　destroy　his　power。　Even　in　law　books；　however；　the　intermediate　form　of　a　binding　covenant　with　the　villain　emerges；　as　we　have　seen；　in　opposition　to　the　consistent　theory。　In　practice　the　villains　are　constantly　found　possessed　of　'soclands；'　'forlands；'　and　freeholds。　The　passage　from　obligatory　labour　to　proprietary　rights　is　effected　in　this　way　without　any　sudden　emancipation；　by　the　gradual　accumulation　of　facts　which　are　not　strictly　legal　and　at　the　same　time　tend　to　become　legal。　　　　　Again；　the　Royal　courts　do　not　know　anything　about　'molmen；'　'gavelmen；'　or　'censuarii；'　They　keep　to　the　plain　distinction　between　free　and　bond。　Nevertheless；　all　these　groups　exist　in　practice；　and　are　constantly　growing　in　consequence　of　commutation。　The　whole　law　of　status　gets　transformed　by　their　growth　as　the　law　of　tenure　gets　transformed　by　the　growth　of　leases。　Molmen；　though　treated　as　villains　by　Royal　courts；　are　already　recognised　as　more　'free'　than　the　villains　by　manorial　juries。　The　existence　of　such　groups　testifies　to　something　more　than　a　precarious　passage　from　service　to　rent；　namely　to　a　change　from　servile　subjection　to　a　status　closely　resembling　that　of　peasant　freeholders；　and　actually　leading　up　to　it。　In　one　word；　our　manorial　records　give　ample　notice　of　the　growth　of　a　system　based　on　free　contract　and　not　on　customary　labour。　But　the　old　forms　of　tenure　and　service　are　still　existent　in　law；　and　the　contradiction　involved　in　this　fact　is　not　merely　a　technical　one：　it　lies　at　the　root　of　the　revolutionary　movement　at　the　close　of　the　fourteenth　century。　In　this　manner　facts　were　slowly　paving　the　way　towards　a　modification　of　the　law。　But　now；　turning　from　what　is　in　the　future；　to　what　is　in　the　past；　let　us　try　to　collect　those　indications　which　throw　light　on　the　condition　of　things　preceding　feudal　law　and　organisation。　　　　　The　one…sided　conception　of　feudal　law　builds　up　the　entire　structure　of　social　divisions　on　the　principle　of　the　lord's　will。　Custom；　however　sacred；　is　not　equivalent　to　actionable　right；　and　a　person　who　has　nothing　but　custom　to　lean　upon　is　supposed　to　be　at　the　will　and　mercy　of　his　lord　and　of　base　or　servile　condition；　But　we　find　even　in　the　domain　of　legal　doctrine　other　notions　less　convenient　for　the　purpose　of　classification；　and　more　adapted　to　the　practice　of　daily　life。　Servile　persons　and　servile　land　are　known　from　the　nature　of　the　services　to　which　they　are　subject。　This　test　is　applied　in　two　directions：　（1）　regular　rural　work；　'with　pitch…fork　and　flail；'　is　considered　servile；　and　this　would　exclude　the　payment　of　rents　and　occasional　help　in　the　performance　of　agricultural　labour；　（2）　certain　duties　are　singled　out　as　marking　servitude　because　they　imply　the　idea　of　one　person　being　owned　by　another；　and　this　would　exclude　subjection　derived　from　the　possession　of　land；　however　burdensome　and　arbitrary　such　subjection　might　be。　　　　　Turning　next　to　manorial　records；　we　find　these　abortive　features　of　feudal　law　resting　on　a　very　broad　basis。　Only　that　land　is　considered　servile　which　owes　labour；　if　it　renders　nothing　but　rent　it　is　termed　free。　We　have　here　no　mere　commutation：　the　notion　is　an　old　one；　and　rather　driven　back　by　later　law　than　emerging　from　it。　It　is　natural　enough　that　the　holder　of　a　plot　is　considered　free　if　his　relations　with　the　lord　are　restricted　to　occasional　appearances　at　court；　occasional　fines；　and　the　payment　of　certain　rents　two　or　three　times　a　year。　It　is　natural　enough　that　the　holder　of　another　plot　should　be　treated　as　a　serf　because　he　is　bound　to　perform　work　which　is　fitted　as　a　part　into　the　arrangement　of　his　lord's　husbandry；　and　constantly　brought　under　the　control　and　the　coercive　power　of　the　steward。　This　matter…of…fact　contrast　comes　naturally　to　the　fore　in　documents　which　are　drawn　up　as　descriptions　of　daily　transactions　and　not　as　evidence　for　a　lawsuit。　But　the　terms　'free'　and　'servile'　are　not　used　lightly　even　in　such　documents。　We　may　be　sure　that　manorial　juries　and　bailiffs　would　not　have　been　allowed　to　displace　at　their　pleasure　terminological　distinctions　which　might　lead　people　to　alter　their　legal　position。　The　double　sense　of　these　terms　cannot　be　taken　as　arranging　society　under　the　same　two　categories　and　yet　in　two　entirely　different　ways：　it　must　be　construed　as　implying　the　two　sides　of　one　and　the　same　thing；　the　substance　in　manorial　records　and　the　formal　distinction　in　legal　records。　That　is　to　say；　when　the　test　of　legal　protection　was　applied；　the　people　who　had　to　perform　labour　were　deprived　of　it　and　designated　as　holding　in　villainage；　and　to　the　people　who　paid　rent　protection　was　granted　and　they　were　considered　as　holding　freely。　For　this　very　reason　the　process　of　commutation　creating　mol…land　actually　led　to　an　increase　in　the　number　of　free　tenancies。（3*）　　　　　The　courts　made　some　attempts　to　utilise　personal　subjection　as　a　distinctive　feature　of　born　villains。　If　it　had　been　possible　to　follow　out　the　principle；　we　should　have　been　able　to　distinguish　between　villains　proper　and　men　of　free　blood　holding　in　villainage。　The　attempt　miscarried　in　practice；　although　the　King's　courts　were　acting　in　this　case　in　conjunction　with　local　custom　and　local　juries。　The　reason　of　the　failure　is　disclosed　by　manorial　documents。　Merchet；　the　most　debasing　incident　of　personal　villainage；　appears　so　widely　spread　in　the　Hundred　Rolls　that　there　can　be　no　question；　at　least　at　the　close　of　the　thirteenth　century；　of　treating　it　as　a　sure　test　of　personal　subjection。　We　cannot　admit　even　for　one　moment　that　the　whole　peasant　population　of　entire　counties　was　descended　from　personal　slaves；　as　the　diffusion　of　me