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the conflict-第55章

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 other and much smaller abuses。  The Workingmen's League said that it would end every abuse existing law did not securely protect; and it meant what it said。

Its campaign fund was the dues paid in by its members and the profits from the New Day。  Its financial books were open for free inspection。  Not so the othersand that in itself was proof enough of sinister intentions。

Under Victor Dorn's shrewd direction; the League candidates published; each man in a sworn statement; a complete description of all the property owned by himself and by his wife。  ‘‘The character of a man's property;'' said the New Day; ‘‘is an indication of how that man will act in public affairs。  Therefore; every candidate for public trust owes it to the people to tell them just what his property interests are。  The League candidates do thisand an effective answer the schedules make to the charge that the League's candidates are men who have ‘no stake in the community。'  Now; let Mr。 Sawyer; Mr。 Hull; Mr。 Galland and the rest of the League's opponents do likewise。  Let us read how many shares of water and ice stock Mr。 Sawyer owns。  Let us hear from Mr。 Hull about his traction holdingsthose of the Hull estate from which he draws his entire income。  As for Mr。 Galland; it would be easier for him to give the list of public and semi…public corporations in which he is not largely interested。  But let him be specific; since he asks the people to trust him as judge between them and those corporations of which he is almost as large an owner as is his father…in…law。''

This line of attackand the publication of the largest contributors to the Republican and Democratic… Reform campaign fundcaused a great deal of public and private discussion。  Large crowds cheered Hull when he; without doing the charges the honor of repeating them;  denounced the ‘‘undignified and demagogic methods of our desperate opponents。''  The smaller Sawyer crowds applauded Sawyer when he waxed indignant over the attempts of those ‘‘socialists and anarchists; haters of this free country and spitters upon its glorious flag; to set poor against rich; to destroy our splendid American tradition of a free field and no favors; and let the best man win!''

Sawyer; and Davy; all the candidates of the machines and the reformers for that matter; made excellent public appearances。  They discoursed eloquently about popular rights and wrongs。  They denounced corruption; they stood strongly for the right and renounced and denounced the devil and all his works。  They promised to do far more for the people than did the Leaguers; for Victor Dorn had trained his men to tell the exact truth the difficulty of doing anything for the people at any near time or in any brief period because at a single election but a small part of the effective offices could be changed; and sweeping changes must be made before there could be sweeping benefits。  ‘‘We'll do all we can;'' was their promise。  ‘‘Their county government and their state government and their courts won't let us do much。  But a beginning has to be made。  Let's make it!''

David Hull's public appearance was especially good。  Not so effective as it has now become; because he was only a novice at campaigning in that year。  But he looked; wellhandsome; yet not too handsome; upper class; but not arrogant; serious; frank and kindly。  And he talked in a plain; honest wayyou felt that no interest; however greedy; desperate and powerful; would dare approach that man with an improper proposal and you quite forgot in real affairs the crude improper proposal is never the method of approach。  When Davy; with grave emotion; referred to the ‘‘pitiful efforts to smirch the personal character of candidates;'' you could not but burn with scorn of the Victor Dorn tactics。  What if Hull did own gas and water and ice and traction and railway stocks?  Mustn't a rich man invest his money somehow?  And how could he more creditably invest it than in local enterprises and in enterprises that opened up the country and gave employment to labor?  What if the dividends were improperly; even criminally; earned?  Must he therefore throw the dividends paid him into the street?  As for a man of such associations and financial interests being unfit fairly to administer public affairs; what balderdash!  Who could be more fit than this educated; high minded man; of large private means; willing to devote himself to the public service instead of drinking himself to death or doing nothing at all。  You would have felt; as you looked at Davy and listened to him; that it was little short of marvelous that a man could be so self… sacrificing as to consent to run the gauntlet of low mudslingers for no reward but an office with a salary of three thousand a year。  And you would have been afraid that; if something was not done to stop these mudslingers; such men as David Hull would abandon their patriotic efforts to save their countryand then WHAT would become of the country?

But Victor and his associateson the platform; in the paper; in posters and dodgers and leaflets continued to press home the ugly questionsand continued to call attention to the fact that; while there had been ample opportunity; none of the candidates had answered any of the questions。  And presentlykeeping up this line of attackVictor opened out in another。  He had Falconer; the League candidate for judge; draw up a careful statement of exactly what each public officer could do under existing law to end or to check the most flagrant of the abuses from which the people of Remsen City were suffering。  With this statement as a basis; he formulated a series of questions‘‘Yes or no?  If you are elected; will you or will you not?''  The League candidates promptly gave the specific pledges。  Sawyer dodged。  David Hull was more adroit。  He held up a copy of the list of questions at a big meeting in Odd Fellows' Hall。

‘‘Our opponents have resorted to a familiar trick the question and the pledge。''  (Applause。  Sensation。  Fear lest ‘‘our candidate'' was about to ‘‘put his foot in it。'')  ‘‘We need resort to no tricks。  I promptly and frankly; for our whole ticket; answer their questions。  I say; ‘We will lay hold of ANY and EVERY abuse; as soon as it presents itself; and WILL SMASH IT。''

Applause; cheers; whistlingsa demonstration lasting nearly five minutes by a watch held by Gamaliel Tooker; who had a mania for gathering records of all kinds and who had voted for every Republican candidate for President since the party was founded。  Davy did not again refer to Victor Dorn's questions。  But Victor continued to press them and to ask whether a public officer ought not to go and present himself to abuses; instead of waiting for them to hunt him out and present themselves to him。

Such was the campaign as the public saw it。  And such was in reality the campaign of the Leaguers。  But the real campaignthe one conducted by Kelly and Housewas entirely different。  They were not talking; they were working。

They were working on a plan based somewhat after this fashion:

In former and happier days; when people left politics to politicians and minded their own business; about ninety…five per cent。 of the voters voted their straight party tickets like good soldiers。  Then politics was a high…class business; and politicians devoted themselves to getting out the full party vote and to buying or cajoling to one side or the other the doubtful ten per cent that held the balance of power。  That golden age; however; had passed。  People had gotten into the habit of fancying that; because certain men had grown very; very rich through their own genius for money…making; supplemented perhaps by accidental favors from law and public officials; therefore politics in some way might possibly concern the private citizen; might account for the curious discrepancy between his labor and its reward。  The impression was growing that; while the energy of the citizen determined the PRODUCTION of wealth; it was politics that determined the distribution of wealth。  And under the influence of this impression; the percentage of sober; steady; reliable voters who ‘‘stood by the grand old party'' had shrunk to about seventy; while the percentage of voters who had t
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